By Pablo Ulysses Rodriguez Hernandez
The term “nini,” used in Mexico to describe young people who neither study nor work, has been a prominent point in government discourse and the political agenda since the Felipe Calderón administration until today. During this period, various policies and programs have been implemented to address this problem, seeking to promote the social and labor inclusion of this youth population. These initiatives usually include measures such as training, granting scholarships, facilitating labor insertion, and promoting entrepreneurial projects.
However, the effectiveness of these measures has been a matter of controversy and critical analysis, with some arguing that they do not address the root causes of the NEET phenomenon, such as a lack of educational and employment opportunities, persistent poverty and social exclusion. In this context, the term NEET has been the subject of debate as it is perceived as a label that stigmatises young people in this situation, rather than focusing on addressing the structural and economic conditions that contribute to their social marginalisation.
Briefly reviewing urban youth movements during the 1980s and 1990s, youth groups provided social studies with a unique perspective on the narratives emerging from these urban territories. Youth movements of that time challenged established norms, expressing their concerns, aspirations and critiques through the literature and art they produced internally. These cultural manifestations not only represented a form of resistance, but also a call to action for deep and significant social change.
However, as the influence of these movements grew, so did the scrutiny by social researchers and state authorities. These groups, referred to in public discourse as chavos banda, gangs or tribes, were subject to detailed analysis to understand their internal dynamics and impact on society. Despite superficial labels, the essence of these youth movements transcended simple classifications, representing a reflection of social tensions, the struggle for public space in growing cities and the aspirations of a generation seeking its place in a constantly changing world.
The state's response to urban youth movements was overwhelming: repression was exercised at all levels. Being young in this context meant being constantly under the scrutiny of the authorities, where even physical appearance could be a reason for persecution. If you met certain traits and characteristics that matched the profile established for arbitrary searches and detentions, such as being a man between 18 and 28 years old, with dark skin and belonging to the lower-middle class, you were at risk of being targeted by state repression. This reality reflected a dynamic in which youth was criminalized and their mere existence became an act of resistance against the established system.
The decade of 1991-2000 comes to an end with the democratic alternation, promising a significant change for Mexico. This period also marks a resurgence of youth narratives, reflecting the democratic spirit that characterizes the beginning of the new decade. Youth once again take center stage by taking up causes that for years had demanded priority attention. There is a rebirth of spaces for participation and expression that previously remained underground, while youth culture becomes hybrid and changing.
During the following decade (2001-2010), youth groups began to articulate themselves with what we now know as priority interest groups, finding echo especially among student groups. Youth became a sector of prominent interest, generating more in-depth studies in sociocultural, political and economic areas. The first public policies focused on youth began to be implemented, reflecting a growing recognition of their needs and concerns.
However, towards the middle of the decade, the panorama changes drastically. The escalation of violence, the crisis of social cohesion and the growing vulnerability of young people in a Mexico immersed in a war between cartels and the government, mark this period. Young people find themselves at the epicentre of this conflict, being victims of the violence and insecurity that plague the country.
In the 2018 electoral contest that culminated with the current government coming to power in Mexico, the voices of youth resonated strongly, demanding a significant transformation in the country. During this process, youth demanded changes in various aspects, from educational policies to measures to combat corruption and social inequality.
However, the COVID-19 pandemic had a profound impact on the development and participation of youth in public life. The health crisis exacerbated existing inequalities, limiting young people's access to their basic rights and hindering their participation in effective mechanisms for the enforcement of economic, social, cultural and environmental rights. Despite these challenges, government policies have sought to provide alternatives for economic recovery, with the aim of offering training, employment and development opportunities for new generations.
In the past and current six-year terms, attention has been given to youth, considering them as a socially vulnerable group and seeking to establish a clear “direction” for their development and participation.
However, the term “nini” is often still presented as an individual choice not to study or work, without considering the structural conditions that perpetuate unemployment or precarious employment, without social security. On the other hand, formal job offers are characterized by grueling and rotating schedules, which makes them unattractive for young people who demand spaces for socializing, recreation and rest.
Young people in the peripheries and rural areas face enormous challenges in their search for educational opportunities. The aspiration to outperform their parents is faced with an economic reality that is difficult to sustain. Many of these young people who decide to study outside their communities encounter economic barriers and often the impossibility of returning to their places of origin, which worsens the gap between family expectations and the real opportunities available.
Currently, new youth narratives in Mexico focus on the issues of the scope of formal education and job training, as well as the inclusion of young people in formal and decent jobs. As young people face these challenges, initiatives and networks are emerging that seek to offer solutions and support. The Alliance of Youth with Decent Work, for example, is strengthening and disseminating its efforts to improve working conditions and to articulate with strategic actors in the private and public sectors to generate fair opportunities for young people. These alliances reflect a collective effort by different social actors to address the needs and aspirations of youth in a complex economic and social context.
In this context, concepts such as “Youth Opportunity” propose a significant change in the discourse on youth, promoting not only the participation of young people in policy formulation, but also their full integration into society and the labour market. These initiatives seek to ensure that public policies not only address the immediate needs of youth, but also create an enabling environment for their comprehensive and sustainable development. Through these networks and alliances, a more inclusive and equitable vision is promoted, in which youth are not only beneficiaries, but also active agents of change.
It is essential to create a link between representatives of youth groups, educational institutions, civil society, government and the private sector to obtain an interdimensional, intergenerational and intersectoral understanding of the current problems faced by youth in Mexico. This collaboration must include local representation and effective participation mechanisms, ensuring that youth voices are heard and considered in decision-making.
It is therefore crucial to go beyond identifying new youth narratives in the discourse of the contenders for the 2024 elections. We must ensure that these narratives become concrete proposals during government projects and transition teams, manifesting themselves in social programs, articulation projects and specific public policies. As civil society, our task is to be transversal actors in the change and transition of government, positioning a youth agenda that covers the entire national territory and guarantees an inclusive and equitable future for the new generations.